Northern Ireland`s political parties in favour of the agreement were also invited to consider the creation of an independent consultation forum representing civil society with members with expertise in social, cultural, economic and other issues, appointed by both administrations. A framework for the North-South Consultation Forum was agreed in 2002 and in 2006 the Northern Ireland Executive agreed to support its establishment. The vague wording of some provisions, described as “constructive ambiguity”, helped to ensure acceptance of the agreement and served to postpone debate on some of the most controversial issues. These include the dismantling of paramilitaries, police reform and the standardisation of Northern Ireland. When the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement (GLTA) was signed in 1972 by the governments of Canada and the United States (the “Parties”) (Environment Canada, 2013a), groundwater was not recognized as important to lake water quality. At that time, groundwater and surface water were still considered two separate systems, without their interaction being estimated. When the GLWQA was revised in 1978 (US Environmental Protection Agency (USEPA), 2012), groundwater contamination, as reported at former industrial sites such as the Love Canal near the Niagara River, made headlines. As a result, the potential impact of contaminated groundwater from these sites on Great Lakes water quality became an issue (Beck, 1979), and Schedule 16 was added to the agreement to address “contaminated groundwater pollution” (Francis, 1989). However, no formal notification procedure under this Annex has been provided. The Good Friday Agreement (GFA) or Belfast Agreement (Irish: Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta or Comhaontú Bhéal Feirste; Ulster-Scots: Guid Friday Greeance or Bilfawst Greeance), is a pair of agreements signed on 10 April 1998 that ended most of the violence of the Troubles, a political conflict in Northern Ireland that had taken place since the late 1960s.
This was an important development in the peace process in Northern Ireland in the 1990s. Northern Ireland`s current system of devolved government is based on the agreement. The Agreement also created a number of institutions between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland and between the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom. The agreement establishes a framework for the creation and number of institutions in three “parts”. The agreement provided for the establishment of an independent commission to review the provisions of the police in Northern Ireland “including ways to promote broad community support” for these arrangements. The UK government has also committed to a “wide-ranging review” of the criminal justice system in Northern Ireland. The agreement was approved by voters across the island of Ireland in two referendums on 22 May 1998. In Northern Ireland, in the 1998 referendum on the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland, voters were asked if they supported the multi-party agreement. In the Republic of Ireland, voters were asked whether they would allow the state to sign the agreement and allow the necessary constitutional amendments (Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Ireland) to facilitate it. People in both jurisdictions had to approve the agreement to bring it into effect. The agreement was reached after many years of complex discussions, proposals and compromises. Many people have made important contributions.
Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern were at the time leaders of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. It was chaired by US Special Envoy George Mitchell.  The agreement was concluded between the British and Irish governments and eight political parties or groups in Northern Ireland. Three were representative of unionism: the Ulster Unionist Party, which had led unionism in Ulster since the beginning of the 20th century, and two small parties associated with loyalist paramilitaries, the Progressive Unionist Party (associated with the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF)) and the Ulster Democratic Party (the political wing of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA)). Two were commonly referred to as nationalists: the Social Democratic and Labour Party and Sinn Féin, the Republican Party linked to the Provisional Irish Republican Army.   Regardless of these rival traditions, there were two other assembly parties, the Inter-Community Alliance Party and the Northern Ireland Women`s Coalition. There was also the Labour Coalition. U.S. Senator George J. Mitchell was sent by U.S.
President Bill Clinton to chair talks between parties and groups.  The old text contains only four articles; it is this short text that is the legal agreement, but it includes the latter agreement in its annexes.  Technically, this envisaged agreement can be distinguished as a multi-party agreement as opposed to the Belfast Agreement itself.  These institutional arrangements, created in these three parts, are defined in the agreement as “interlocking and interdependent”. In particular, it notes that the functioning of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the North-South Council of Ministers is “so closely linked that the success of the other depends” and that participation in the North-South Council of Ministers is “one of the essential responsibilities associated with the relevant posts in [Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland]”. The main issues that Sunningdale omits and which are addressed in the Belfast Agreement are the principle of self-determination, the recognition of both national identities, British-Irish intergovernmental cooperation and legal procedures to make power-sharing compulsory, such as inter-community voting and the D`Hondt system for the appointment of ministers to the executive.   Former IRA member and journalist Tommy McKearney says the main difference is the British government`s intention to negotiate a comprehensive deal involving the IRA and the most intransigent trade unionists.  With regard to the right to self-determination, two reservations are mentioned by the legal author Austen Morgan. .